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Lawyers'
Committee for Civil Rights Under Law
1401 New York Avenue, NW
Suite 400
Washington, DC 20005
Tel: 202-662-8600
Fax: 202-783-0857
July
16, 2001
United
States House of Representatives
W ashington, D.C. 20515
Dear
Representative:
I am writing on behalf of the Lawyers' Committee for Civil
Rights ("Lawyers' Committee") to address the issue of "Charitable
Choice"which has been included in several important legislative
initiatives in the 107th Congress. In particular, we are
concerned about the "Charitable Choice" provisions that
the House of Representatives will be considering this week
as part of H.R. 7.
The Lawyers' Committee is a non-partisan, non-profit, national
civil rights legal organization formed by leading members
of the nation's bar in 1963 at the request of President
Kennedy to address racial discrimination. As a civil rights
legal organization concerned with discrimination in any
form, we find legally troubling the so-called
"Charitable Choice" provisions that have been made part
of several pieces of important legislation this year.(1)
These provisions are being added to various pieces of legislation
and have the effect of providing federal funds to non- governmental
organizations to carry out services and programs which are
at the core of the legislation such as drug rehabilitation
or job training. However, these provisions are problematic
because they specifically allow, through federal legislation,
discrimination in the employment of individuals involved
in the delivery of those federal programs. Because of this
unprecedented use of federal dollars to discriminate, the
Lawyers' Committee thought it critical to identify some
of the foremost concerns of civil rights advocates in these
so-called "Charitable Choice" provisions.
Many
questions have been raised about the civil rights implications
of the so-called "Charitable Choice" provisions which are
part of several significant pieces of
legislation in the 107th Congress, which currently include
the Elementary and Secondary Education Act Authorization
Bill (2), the Faith-Based and Community
Initiatives Bill (3), and the Drug Abuse
Education, Prevention, and Treatment Act of 2001.(4)
This language first came to the forefront in 1996, as part
of the Welfare Reform Legislation, and later was also included
in the Community Services Block Grant. These provisions
are extremely problematic because they extend an exemption
in Title VII thereby allowing religious organizations to
discriminate in their hiring, firing and other employment
decisions in federally funded positions. On their face it
appears that these provisions contradict a fundamental principle
of national public policy - that federal funds should never
be used to discriminate in any manner.
Background
Title
VII - Federal Law Governing Employment Discrimination
Under
Title VII, which prohibits employment discrimination on
the basis of race, religion, sex, color
or national origin, religious organizations are exempt from
the prohibition against discrimination in their employment
practices based on religion.(5) That exemption
has been extended by Congress to cover all employees in
religious institutions including those performing a secular
function and it has been upheld by the Supreme Court even
where it applied to the "nonprofit activities of religious
employers."(6) In essence, religious organizations
are free to discriminate based on religion in the hiring
of any individual whether they serve a religious or secular
function in the organization and regardless of whether they
participate solely in the religious functions of the organization
or its secular ones. Religious organizations remain subject
to the other prohibitions set forth in Title VII. However,
subsequent case law has documented that courts have interpreted
this exemption to cover not only religious affiliation or
belief but also have extended it to discrimination on the
basis of the teachings and tenets of the religion (see below).
This trend in the federal courts has resulted in a blurring
of the line between religious and other forms of discrimination.
It raises a cause of concern among civil rights advocates
since religious discrimination has the potential to become
a pretext for other forms of discrimination explicitly prohibited
by Title VII. However, the text of §702 of Title VII does
not explicitly extend the exemption for religious organizations
to publically funded jobs.(7) Discrimination
in the use of federal funds is covered by Title VI.
Title
VI - Prohibiting Discrimination in Federally Funded Activities
The
language of these "Charitable Choice" provisions would extend
the §702 exemption to programs receiving public funds, something
that the federal courts have not done. On its face, it appears
that the exemption was never intended to apply to the use
of federal funds by private religious organizations and
that this expansion contravenes the principle that federal
funds should not be used to discriminate as established
in Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Title VI specifies
that:
No
person in the United States shall, on the ground of race,
color, or national origin, be excluded from participation
in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination
under any program or activity receiving Federal financial
assistance.(8)
Given
the concerns raised by the broad interpretations of the
Title VII exemption and the explicit prohibitory language
of Title VI, there is a real concern about the reach of
"Charitable Choice" provisions. Furthermore, unless there
is specific language added that repeals the Title VII exemption
for employees of religious organizations with respect to
publicly funded positions, the legal foundation banning
federally funded discrimination, set forth in Title VI,
will be eroded.
These "Charitable Choice" provisions raise a number of concerns
for the civil rights community which we have addressed below.
1.
Charitable Choice Provisions Allow Religious Organizations
to Discriminate Based on Religion, Extending Section 702
of Title VII to Programs and Specific Employment Positions
That Are Created with Federal Dollars.
One
of the more troubling components of this legislation is
that it allows religious organizations providing the same
kind of services or programs as a secular group the option
to discriminate in all its employment decisions even where
the religious organization's program receives the same type
of federal funding that a secular organization receives.
Secular organizations must abide by all elements of Title
VII and are, therefore, forbidden from any type of employment
discrimination. However, under these provisions the religious
organization does not have the same restrictions because
it is exempted from the prohibition on religious discrimination.
Therefore, this law creates an uneven playing field depending
on religious affiliation for those using federal dollars.
Another
area of concern is that as these provisions are added to
more and more legislation there will be an increased number
of federal dollars going to religious organizations to provide
services - unless there is a provision inserted to protect
employees in these federally funded jobs - the result will
be that more people and jobs will not have the full protections
of the federal law from discrimination even though it is
taxpayer dollars that created the job. The so-called "Charitable
Choice" provisions promote expansion of religious employment
with the federal government bearing the cost - something
that Title VI never anticipated. As a result, these provisions
end up enlarging the number of jobs nationwide where religious
discrimination is possible and, in fact, sanctioned by the
government.
The
privatization of various public services in any area of the
country in which members of a particular religious denomination
are in the majority could be a threat to those seeking employment
who have nonmajoritarian beliefs. A city or county in Louisiana
might close its Department of Social Welfare and contract
with the Catholic Church to provide all social welfare services
within the county. A city or county in Minnesota might contract
with the Lutheran Church, one in Utah might contract with
the Mormon Church, one in Northern California might contract
with a New Age church, and one in some part of New York State
might contract with an Orthodox Jewish Temple. The privatization
of these functions must go hand-in-hand with strict prohibitions
on religious discrimination in the publicly-funded jobs in
question if the religious freedom of employees and beneficiaries
are to be preserved.
2.
Exemption May Override Existing Civil Rights Laws Because
it Can Be Given Broad Interpretation to Encompass Beliefs
and Conduct Consistent with Religion
The
religious exemption has been interpreted broadly by the
federal courts to allow religious organizations to discriminate
based on their religious affiliation, beliefs, teachings
and tenets. For example, pregnant women have been fired
because their pregnancy was proof to the religious organization
that they participated in private sexual conduct which was
against the beliefs and conduct of the institution in which
those women worked.(9) In these instances,
when conduct is justified under the §702 exemption because
of religious beliefs or tenets, the courts have declined
to invoke Title VIIšs ban on pregnancy discrimination as
a form of gender discrimination. This broad interpretation
has been memorialized in the language included in some "Charitable
Choice" provisions because they specifically incorporate
the ability of religious organizations to discriminate based
on their teachings and tenets.(10) This
exemption offers a wide sweep. Religious institutions may
be free to justify any form of disparate treatment based
on a religious teaching and the courts, not wanting to decide
the merits of a claimed religious teaching or tenet, will
be reluctant to move beyond that justification to Title
VII's prohibitions.(11) Because there
are an infinite variety of potential religious beliefs,
the sweep of the exemption in fact immunizes recipients
of the exemptions from discrimination on another basis.
3.
These "Charitable Choice" Provisions May Be Interpreted
to Allow Federal Funds to Be Used to Discriminate Against
Individuals Based on Race or Gender in the Name of Religion.
Since
it will be constitutionally difficult for the government
to distinguish between religious entities and their beliefs,
there may be no way to prevent groups which practice racial
hatred or who preach a subordinate role for women from receiving
federal funds. Unfortunately, this reality increases the
likelihood that religious teachings and beliefs that are
discriminatory in nature can be justified under the exemption.
Some religious organizations may believe in principles which
can lead to discrimination but which will now be protected
by these provisions and perhaps exempt these organizations
from further investigation into whether religious employment
discrimination is being used as a pretext for other types
of employment discrimination. While this may be true only
for the minority of religious institutions, we must examine
whether, as a nation, Americans really want to allow even
the possibility of racially or sexually discriminatory behavior
to be sanctioned with the use of federal funds.
Litigation
demonstrating this problem has already emerged. Several
cases of sex and pregnancy discrimination were deemed acceptable
because the employees violated religious principles and
the courts did not investigate further to see if the articulated
principles were actually a pretext for other types of discrimination.
The courts, in fact, believed that they could not because
the religious organizations had made an appropriate showing
that the employment actions were reasonably related to the
religious beliefs of the religious organization.(12)
Further examples are not hard to imagine, especially where
there is a religious organization that preaches racial separation
as one of the tenets of its belief. We as a nation cannot
allow such organizations to impose their own nonmajoritarian
beliefs on publically funded employees.
It
is not unreasonable to require religious organizations using
public dollars to create jobs to abide by federal non-discrimination
laws such as Title VII. These organizations are participating
in public programs with services and employees that are
in large part, if not completely, funded by U.S. taxpayer
dollars. It will not unduly interfere with the practice
of their religion for them to abide by the laws with which
every other organization receiving these same federal funds
or providing the same federally funded services has to comport.
Currently, organizations which receive a government benefit
such as a tax exemption must prove that they are not discriminating.
But, in the case of "Charitable Choice," religious organizations
are getting the benefit of public dollars without having
to abide by the same principles nor do they have to provide
the federal government with the same assurances.
One
case that is often cited as an example of where a public
benefit was being used by an organization that practiced
racial discrimination in the name of religion is that of
Bob Jones University v. United States.(13)
There, a religious organization that had a racially discriminatory
policy was receiving a public benefit until the Supreme
Court found that it was not entitled to it because "[r]acially
discriminatory educational institutions cannot be viewed
as conferring a public benefit within the 'charitable' concept
discussed earlier."(14) However, that
same organization or another preaching similar ideas could,
under these so-called "Charitable Choice" provisions, require
that employees abide by the teachings and tenets of the
religion and thus forbid interracial dating or marriage
of employees or fire pregnant women for being adulterous
or engaging in premarital sex and there would be no means
of redress for the employee under Title VII. A viable religious
defense is all that the organization needs to justify its
discriminatory conduct. Certainly, it cannot be imagined
that our Constitution would permit such a blatant use of
federal funds to discriminate.
Conclusion
"Charitable
Choice" provisions raise numerous concerns about the United
States Congress sanctioning the use of federal funds by
religious organizations to discriminate against individuals
in employment decisions, especially where the federal funds
are explicitly used to create the new jobs where discrimination
can occur. The Lawyers' Committee raises these fundamental
questions about the civil rights implications of "Charitable
Choice" because we believe that federal dollars should never,
under any circumstances, be used to discriminate. We are
concerned about the religious discrimination that may exist
in the federally funded programs as a result of "Charitable
Choice," especially considering the courts' expansive definition
of what can be deemed part of the exemption. We also raise
concerns about the possibility of other types of discrimination
occurring in the name of religion, for the necessary consequences
of allowing a broad scale religious exemption cannot be
the risk of some instances of racial and gender discrimination.
We
raise these issues because of our interest in and commitment
to preventing discrimination in any form, but we also raise
it because of concerns about religious freedom for those
applying for federally funded jobs from an organization
of a different affiliation than their own. Faith-based organizations
historically have provided services to many of the neediest
in our society. When those organizations voluntarily seek
federal funds, however, we must ensure that they abide by
the same federal protections against discrimination which
others seeking those funds must submit. We can and should
preserve these strong federal protections and policies against
discrimination and allow religious organizations to maintain
their exemption when they operate their own privately funded
operations. However, the Title VII exemption should not
be and was never intended to extend to religious employers
who voluntarily choose to operate a federally funded program.
The
Lawyers' Committee thanks you for your attention to this
critical civil rights issue and we urge you to oppose H.R.
7 if it continues to include the "Charitable Choice" provisions.
Sincerely,
Barbara
R. Arnwine
Executive Director
footnotes
1.
The proposed legislation contains at a minimum the following
language: "[A] religious organization's exemption provided
under section 702 of the Civil Rights Act on 1964 (42 U.S.C.
§2000e-1a) regarding employment practices shall not be affected
by its participation in, or receipt of funds from, programs
described [herein]."(emphasis added).
2.
No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, H.R. 1.
3.
Community Solutions Act of 2001, H.R. 7.
4.
Drug Abuse Education, Prevention, and Treatment Act of 2001,
S. 304.
5.
42 U.S.C. §2000e-1(a)
6.
Corporation of Presiding Bishop v. Amos, 483 U.S.
327, 339 (1987)
7.
42 U.S.C. §2000e-1 reads "This subchapter shall not apply
to an employer with respect to the employment of aliens
outside any State, or to a religious corporation, association,
educational institution, or society with respect to the
employment of individuals of a particular religion to perform
work connected with the carrying on by such corporation,
association, educational institution, or society of its
activities."
8.
42 U.S.C. §2000d.
9.
See, Ganzy v. Allen Christian School, 27 F. Supp
340 (E.D.N.Y. 1998), Vigars v. Valley Christian Center,
805 F. Supp. 802 (N.D. Cal. 1992).
10.
The language noted includes "[a] religious organization
that provides services under [insert program name] may require
that its employees providing services under such a program
adhere to the religious tenets and teachings of such organization,
and such organization may require that those employees adhere
to rules forbidding the use of drugs or alcohol."
11.
See E.E.O.C. v. Mississippi College, 626 F.2d 477
(5th Cir. 1980).
12.
See supra Footnote 9.
13.
Bob Jones University v. United States, 461 U.S. 574
(1983).
14.
Id. at 596.
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